PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY舆论季刊
PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY(英文缩写 PUBLIC OPIN QUART),ISSN 0033-362X,eISSN 1537-5331,中文译名:舆论季刊 是一本学术期刊。本页汇总该期刊的最新影响因子、分区信息以及最新收录于 PubMed 的文献,帮助您快速了解期刊全貌。
发文量统计区间：2025-11-01 至 2026-10-31，按本站收录文献的发表日期统计。
期刊介绍
历年影响因子趋势
| JCR 数据年份 | 影响因子 | JCR 分区 |
|---|---|---|
| 2021 | 4.122 | Q1 |
| 2022 | 3.400 | Q1 |
| 2023 | 2.900 | Q1 |
| 2024 | 2.700 | Q1 |
| 2025 | 4.600 | Q1 |
PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY 最新收录文献
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1. Disentangling the Three Facets of Mass Ideological Polarization: A Network Approach Across 78 Societies.
1. 解构大众意识形态极化的三个维度：一项横跨78个社会的网络方法研究PMID:日期:2026-09-08Public opinion research has intensively examined mass ideological polarization, often linking it to outcomes that threaten key democratic ideals. Both theory and empirical evidence suggest that it comprises multiple manifestations, with their relationships, however, remaining largely unclear. Meanwhile, previous studies have seldom conducted cross-contextual comparisons, which are essential for understanding how macrostructural factors shape mass polarization. These limitations partly arise from the methodological challenges that hinder consistent measurement across diverse contexts. To fill these gaps, this study introduces a belief network approach to compare three core manifestations of mass ideological polarization: disagreement, symbolic-operational ideological alignment, and within-operational ideological alignment. Using data from 78 societies in the World Values Survey and the European Values Study (2017-2023), we employ improved network-based measures that capture ideological alignment without relying on context-specific assumptions. Surprisingly, our findings reveal substantial cross-national variation and contrasting correlations among these manifestations, indicating that mass ideological polarization is neither singular nor universal. We further apply the network approach to examine how modernization, a critical macrostructural factor, shapes ideological polarization, showing that it predicts lower disagreement but higher ideological alignment. By offering a scalable and context-adaptable tool for comparative public opinion research, this study proposes an expanded theoretical framework of mass polarization, highlighting the need to distinguish its diverse manifestations and their structural drivers across global contexts.
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2. Are the Major "Western" Findings on Attitudes to Immigration Supported by Global Evidence? Mostly Yes, Actually.
2. 关于移民态度的主要“西方”研究结果是否得到全球证据的支持？实际上，大多数情况下是的PMID:日期:2026-07-11The causes of variation in attitudes to immigration have been the subject of extensive scholarship in recent decades, with some factors being repeatedly evidenced. However, these findings are overwhelmingly based on studies from a small selection of "Western" countries. This article makes use of recent World Values Survey data across 66 countries globally to test how generalizable such findings on the determinants of attitudes to immigration are globally. It finds that the most typically identified sociodemographic, economic, and contextual determinants of immigration policy preferences, prejudices, and perceived effects are largely generalizable globally, namely: age, low income, job worries, rurality, not having an immigrant background, social distrust, national migration rate, feeling unsafe in one's neighborhood, and national media bias. The effects of gender, education, and left-right self-placement are weaker and less generalizable. These findings are robust across world regions. Although the predictive power of all factors tend to be smaller outside of Western Europe, these findings shed light on the more profound, universal, and genuine nature of attitudes to immigration, their likely internal determinants-rather than purely external and contextual ones-and the global reliability of measuring their predictors.
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3. Not Your Mama's Ideology (But Close): Modest Generational Differences in Ideological Alignment in Postcommunist Europe.
PMID:日期:2026-06-29This paper examines whether generational change in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is associated with shifts in how political attitudes align along the conventional economic-cultural left-right dimension. Because cohorts in the region were socialized under different political-economic systems, CEE provides a setting to assess whether younger generations display patterns of attitude alignment that differ from those of older cohorts. Using pooled European Social Survey data (2004-2023) and original surveys from Czechia, Hungary, and Lithuania, we combine an age-period-cohort analysis of left-right alignment with a network analysis of associations among thirteen salient issues. We find modest generational differences in the early 2000s, but these diminish over time, with all cohorts exhibiting similarly low levels of left-right alignment. Economic and cultural attitudes remain weakly connected, and EU- and foreign-policy issues often form separate clusters. The findings indicate that generational replacement has not produced a shift toward a more conventional left-right organization of belief systems in the region.
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4. Lingua Franca of Ideology? Common and Country-Specific Measures of Symbolic and Operational Ideology in Asian and Western Countries.
4. 意识形态的通用语言？亚洲和西方国家象征性与操作性意识形态的共性与国别特定测量方法PMID:日期:2026-06-24Comparative public opinion surveys, including the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), often rely on identical labels and question items to measure respondents' symbolic and operational ideology across countries. However, it remains unclear whether common symbolic measures of ideology carry the same meaning across contexts, or whether the issue items used to construct common operational measures are equally relevant in national settings. To address these concerns, we compare symbolic and operational ideology as measured using common cross-national items and country-specific items. We conducted public opinion surveys before and after national elections in seven Asian and Western countries. Our analyses reveal that (i) country-specific measures of ideology are generally more stable over time than common measures, (ii) country-specific symbolic and operational ideology are more strongly associated with each other than their common counterparts, (iii) respondents tend to have a greater understanding of country-specific ideological labels than common ones, (iv) country-specific measures are generally more predictive of vote choice in elections, and (v) ideological extremity, as measured by these two types of indicators, shows different correlations with respondents' attitudes toward democratic values. These findings suggest that researchers should use country-specific measures of ideology in comparative public opinion research.
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5. Who Reads Criticism Matters: How Selective Exposure Affects Public Backlash to Foreign Shaming.
PMID:日期:2026-05-08Recent experimental studies have found that foreign shaming can be counterproductive, engendering more positive public opinion toward a target government. This paper shows that whether foreign shaming in fact leads to this kind of backlash is dependent on citizens' exposure to the shaming. A modified participant preference trial finds that less nationalist Chinese citizens are significantly more likely to choose to read about American criticism of COVID-19 policies in China. While the criticism has no impact on those respondents who choose to read it, it significantly increases support for the Chinese government among those who choose not to. These findings demonstrate the importance of understanding which members of the public are exposed to international actions, and how campaigns to highlight these actions may make a backlash more likely.
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6. Computer-Assisted Mobile Phone Interviews in Low- and Middle-Income Countries Through a Total Survey Error Framework.
PMID:日期:2026-05-07Researchers increasingly use computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) via mobile phones in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC). A nascent methodological literature explores representation and measurement error in these surveys, but knowledge is disparate, siloed across disciplines, countries, and research designs. Using the total survey error framework, this research synthesis summarizes findings from peer-reviewed methodological research on CATI in LMIC. We used a scoping review methodology to identify and review 38 peer-reviewed journal articles to answer two research questions: (1) Which study designs, topic areas, and total survey error components have been examined in CATI mobile phone surveys conducted in LMIC? and (2) What does the research say about representation and measurement errors in CATI mobile phone surveys in LMIC? Based on these findings, this research synthesis highlights when, where, and how CATI surveys can be used across LMIC.
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7. Correcting Misperceptions Across Contexts: The Political Impact of Gender Inequality Information in Japan and South Korea.
7. 跨语境纠正误解：日本与韩国性别不平等信息的政治影响PMID:日期:2026-04-25How do citizens respond to accurate information regarding social inequality? This study examines public perceptions of gender inequality in Japan and South Korea-two high-income democracies characterized by persistent gender gaps but contrasting political contexts. Using original survey data and preregistered survey experiments (= 7,000), we test whether corrective information about gender disparities influences support for related government policies. The findings reveal notable cross-national variation: While corrective information had a minimal effect on Japanese respondents, it significantly increased support for gender equality measures among South Koreans, especially women. These varied findings suggest that the effectiveness of informational interventions depends on contextual factors. Specifically, we argue that the success of these interventions hinges on the political salience of the issue and the national informational environment, both of which enhance the likelihood of attitude change in the South Korean context. By examining misperceptions and their correction, this study contributes to the understanding of opinion formation, policy attitudes, and the conditional effects of information in shaping public perceptions of inequality.
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8. United or Divided? A Polarized Society's Response to War.
8. 团结还是分裂？一个两极分化的社会对战争的回应PMID:日期:2026-04-03[中文摘要] 近期全球危机重新引发了人们对舆论中“聚旗效应”的关注。与此同时，许多研究致力于探讨各国政治极化不断加深的问题。本研究综合这两条研究路径，探讨在一个高度极化的社会中，公众舆论如何回应一场安全危机——在极化程度较低的情境下，此类危机很可能促使大多数公民团结在宣布对国家安全敌人开战的政府身后。我们分析了在以色列收集的原创面板数据，数据采集时间分别为10月7日哈马斯袭击之前和之后，以及随后以色列在加沙的军事行动期间。研究发现呈现出一种分裂模式：绝大多数犹太以色列人支持战争并信任安全部队，但对政府和总理的信任仍然较低。分析进一步识别出两套不同的态度机制。对战争的支持和对安全部队的信任与威胁感知及对敌方行为的愤怒相关。相比之下，对政府和总理的信任或不信任则取决于受访者是将危机的责任归咎于政府，还是归咎于反对派抗议运动，这一判断与其此前对政府颇具争议的“司法改革”倡议的既有看法相关联。这些结果表明，极端政治极化可能阻碍政府在严重安全危机期间形成统一的聚旗效应，尤其是当内部纷争导致人们对政府在危机中的责任产生争议性看法时。
[英文摘要] Recent global crises have renewed interest in the rally-'round-the-flag phenomenon of public opinion. At the same time, many studies have focused on deepening political polarization across countries. This study synthesizes these two lines of research by exploring how public opinion in a deeply polarized society responds to a security crisis that, in a less polarized context, would likely have led most citizens to close ranks behind a government that declared war on national enemies. We analyzed original panel data collected in Israel before and after the October 7 Hamas attack and during the subsequent Israeli military operation in Gaza. The findings reveal a split pattern: while the vast majority of Jewish Israelis supported the war and trusted the security forces, trust in the government and prime minister remained low. The analysis further identifies two distinct sets of mechanisms of attitude. Support for the war and trust in the security forces were associated with threat perceptions and anger about the enemy's actions. In contrast, trust or mistrust in the government and prime minister hinged on whether respondents attributed blame for the crisis to the government or to the oppositional protest movement, an assessment tied to their preexisting views on the government's controversial "judicial reform" initiative. These results suggest that extreme political polarization can prevent the emergence of a unified rally behind governments during severe security crises, mainly when internal strife produces contested views about the government's responsibility for the crisis.
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9. Thinking Ideologically: The Limited Role of Left and Right Labels as Policy Shortcuts.
9. 意识形态化思考：左右标签作为政策捷径的有限作用PMID:日期:2026-03-29[中文摘要] 选民如何将左右意识形态标签作为政策立场的捷径来评估选举候选人？我们提出区分意识形态思维的最大化形式与最小化形式。最大化思维意味着选民将意识形态接近性作为与候选人政策一致性的代理指标，而最小化思维仅要求选民使用意识形态标签来推断候选人的立场——即使他们自身的意识形态认同与政策偏好不一致。基于来自加拿大（样本量=1,087）的原始实验数据——一个意识形态格局流动多变的多党制体系——我们发现选民的意识形态自我定位常常与其政策立场不一致，尤其是在右倾个体中。然而，选民在没有政策信息的情况下仍然使用意识形态接近性来推断候选人的政策立场，这支持了最小化理论。这些发现有助于超越美国的政治决策理论，并对中间派或意识形态灵活政党体系中的实质代表性具有启示意义。
[英文摘要] How do voters use left-right ideological labels as shortcuts for policy positions in evaluating electoral candidates? We offer a distinction between maximal and minimal forms of ideological thinking. While maximal thinking implies that voters rely on ideological proximity as a proxy for policy congruence with candidates, minimal thinking requires only that voters use ideological labels to infer candidates' positions-even if their own ideological identification is inconsistent with policy preferences. Drawing on original experimental data from Canada ( = 1,087)-a multiparty system with a fluid ideological landscape-we find that voters' ideological self-placement is often misaligned with their policy positions, especially among right-leaning individuals. However, voters still use ideological proximity to infer candidates' policy stances in the absence of policy information, supporting the Minimal Theory. These findings contribute to theories of political decision-making beyond the United States and have implications for substantive representation in systems with centrist or ideologically flexible parties.
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10. Scaling Open-Ended Survey Responses Using LLM-Paired Comparisons.
10. 使用大语言模型配对比较对开放式调查问卷回答进行规模化评分PMID:日期:2026-03-27[中文摘要] 调查研究者高度依赖封闭式问题来测量受访者的潜在特征，如知识、政策立场、情绪、意识形态及各种其他特质。封闭式问题易于分析和收集，但必然限制了回答的深度和变异性。开放式回答允许更深入的回应和更大的变异性，但编码工作量大。大型语言模型（LLMs）可能有助于解决这一问题，但现有使用LLMs的方法存在若干局限。本文提出并测试了一种成对比较方法，将开放式调查回答标度到连续量表上。该方法依赖LLMs对陈述进行成对比较，确定哪条陈述“胜出”和“落败”。利用这些信息，我们采用贝叶斯Bradley-Terry模型恢复每条陈述在潜在维度上的“得分”。该方法能够对项目进行更精细的区分、减少锚定偏差、更好地测量不确定性，并且比依赖最大似然估计技术的方法更为灵活。我们在一道探测美国经济利率知识的开放式问题上展示了该方法的效用。对六种不同规模LLMs的比较表明，在各种模型规模下，成对比较比零样本0-10评分表现出更高的一致性。此外，成对决策的比较与知识丰富的众包工作者的判断相一致。
[英文摘要] Survey researchers rely heavily on closed-ended questions to measure latent respondent characteristics like knowledge, policy positions, emotions, ideology, and various other traits. Closed-ended questions are easy to analyze and collect, but necessarily limit the depth and variability of responses. Open-ended responses allow for greater depth and variability in responses, but are labor intensive to code. Large language models (LLMs) may help with this problem, but existing approaches to using LLMs have a number of limitations. In this paper, we propose and test a pairwise comparison method to scale open-ended survey responses on a continuous scale. The approach relies on LLMs to make pairwise comparisons of statements that identify which statement "wins" and "loses." With this information, we employ a Bayesian Bradley-Terry model to recover a "score" on a latent dimension for each statement. This approach allows for finer discrimination between items, reduced anchoring bias, better measurement of uncertainty, and is more flexible than methods relying on Maximum Likelihood Estimation techniques. We demonstrate the utility of this approach on an open-ended question probing knowledge of interest rates in the US economy. A comparison of six LLMs of various sizes reveals that pairwise comparisons show greater consistency than zero-shot 0-10 ratings across a variety of model sizes. Further, comparison of pairwise decisions is consistent with knowledgeable crowdsourced workers.