COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDIES比较政治研究
COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDIES(英文缩写 COMP POLIT STUD),ISSN 0010-4140,eISSN 1552-3829,中文译名:比较政治研究 是一本学术期刊。本页汇总该期刊的最新影响因子、分区信息以及最新收录于 PubMed 的文献,帮助您快速了解期刊全貌。
发文量统计区间：2025-11-01 至 2026-10-31，按本站收录文献的发表日期统计。
期刊介绍
历年影响因子趋势
| JCR 数据年份 | 影响因子 | JCR 分区 |
|---|---|---|
| 2021 | 3.955 | Q1 |
| 2022 | 5.000 | Q1 |
| 2023 | 4.200 | Q1 |
| 2024 | 3.400 | Q1 |
| 2025 | 3.700 | Q1 |
COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDIES 最新收录文献
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1. Narratives of Backlash? Perceptions of Changing Status Hierarchies in Open-Ended Survey Responses.
PMID:日期:2025-11-11It is widely accepted in political science - and remarkably established in public discourse - that status anxieties fuel a far right backlash against progressive politics. This narrative suggests that right-wing conservatives perceive the status of women, racial, or sexual minorities as threatening. Using open-ended survey questions fielded in Germany, we show that women and minorities indeed figure in people's perceptions of status hierarchies, but in very specific ways: First, overall, people still perceive status as largely socioeconomically determined. Second, sociocultural groups figure in perceptions of who is gaining/losing status, less so in perceptions of the top/bottom of society. Third, more than conservative voters, it is social progressives who mention women and minorities as "winners". While on race/ethnicity, we find evidence for a backlash, on gender and sexuality we find more evidence for a progressive momentum. This matters for progressive politics today and for how we empirically study status concerns.
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2. Is the Urban-Rural Divide Affectively Polarised? Comparative Evidence from Nine European Countries.
2. 城乡差距是否存在情感极化？来自九个欧洲国家的比较证据PMID:日期:2025-08-29Recent studies in the United States and Europe have documented a growing divergence in voting behaviour and political attitudes between cities and the countryside. However, we still lack systematic evidence on the extent to which this urban-rural divide is also affectively polarised. To shed light on this, we advance the concept of place-based affective polarisation, which we define as the difference between in-group and out-group affect in relation to place-based groups. Drawing on original survey data from nine European countries, we show that place-based affective polarisation is substantial along the urban-rural divide and associated with strong feelings of place-based resentment and identity. Furthermore, we find that higher levels of place-based affective polarisation correlate with support for GAL parties (green, alternative, libertarian) among urbanites and support for TAN parties (traditional, authoritarian, nationalist) among ruralites. Overall, our findings point to a strong political cleavage between urban and rural areas in several European countries.
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3. Mass Mobilization in the Modern Era: Introducing the Opposition Movements and Groups (OMG) Dataset, 1789-2019.
3. 现代大众动员：介绍1789-2019年反对运动与团体（OMG）数据集PMID:日期:2025-08-27The nature and consequences of mass mobilization are core topics in the social sciences. How have mass mobilization movements evolved over time? How do key characteristics of such movements, including their social composition or ideology, influence their ability to overthrow or alter political institutions? We introduce the Opposition Movements and Groups (OMG) dataset, which - due to its unique contents and extensive coverage - will help researchers to better address these and many other questions about mass mobilization movements. OMG includes information on the stated goals, duration, size, tactics, ideology, and social and organizational composition of 1452 mass mobilization movements, globally, from 1789 to 2019. We discuss OMG's contents, construction, validity and reliability issues, and how it complements existing datasets. We showcase the data, first, by documenting several key trends in movement characteristics since the French Revolution, and, second, by shedding new light on the much-discussed relationship between nonviolent movements and democratization.
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4. Zero-Sum Thinking and the Cultural Threat of Muslim Religious Rights.
PMID:日期:2025-08-20Cultural threat is one of the main explanations for opposing immigrants. However, it lacks theoretical precision and suffers from measurement issues. To remedy these problems, we conceptualize cultural threat as a zero-sum problem and specify concrete cultural rights that Muslims receive. In two online experiments in Germany, we randomly assigned people to situations where Muslim cultural rights either replace majority rights (zero-sum) or they co-exist (non-zero-sum). The willingness to accommodate Muslims' cultural rights varies strongly by the logic of cultural threat, especially for respondents with an inclusionary mindset. They are protective of their own cultural practices, but do not perceive all gains in Muslim rights as inherently threatening. Respondents with an exclusionary mindset, however, respond less to variations in cultural threat. In contrast to people with an inclusionary mindset, they also react more negatively to Muslim than non-Muslim demands for change.
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5. Who Rules? Support Coalitions and Regime Survival, 1789-2020.
5. 谁统治？支持联盟和政权生存，1789-2020PMID:日期:2025-08-20All political regimes rely on coalitions of supporters to govern and remain in power. We discuss, specify, and test arguments pertaining to how the numerical size as well as social diversity of regime support coalitions influence regime longevity. We use recently collected data on support coalition characteristics, with global coverage and time series exceeding 230 years, and find that larger as well as more diverse regime support coalitions are positively related to regime longevity. Both patterns hold up in different time periods and in sub-samples including only autocratic regimes. We also discuss and find indications that increased coalition size may limit certain types of regime breakdown (e.g., from popular uprisings) but not others (e.g., coups). Coalition diversity is negatively related to different types of regime breakdown, and these patterns may reflect that diverse coalitions offer regimes access to variegated power resources that enable them to mitigate different threats.
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6. Downward Mobility and Far-Right Party Support: Broad Evidence.
6. 向下流动性与极右翼政党支持：广泛证据PMID:日期:2025-06-27Much debate has centered on the relative effects of economic and cultural factors on support for far-right parties. Recent work, however, has proposed a synthesis focused on the role of , a concept capturing a combination of economic position and social esteem. While previous studies have adduced suggestive evidence that status loss shapes far-right support, this paper presents the broadest empirical assessment of the proposition to date. Focusing on long-term status change, operationalized as intergenerational occupational mobility, we find a strong relationship between mobility and support for the far right across 11 European countries. Moreover, adopting a modeling approach that addresses confounding between status levels and status change, we demonstrate an asymmetry: while downward mobility predicts increased far-right voting, upward mobility has little effect. The findings suggest that long-run economic forces that have depressed the occupational prospects of native-born workers contribute to the far right's rise.
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7. Inclusive Redistribution and Perceptions of Membership: A Cross-National Comparison.
PMID:日期:2025-05-27Immigrants tend to be seen as less deserving of welfare benefits than native-born citizens, but little consensus exists to explain this finding or how to build greater public support for more inclusive policies. Recent work suggests that support for redistribution may be tied to citizens' perceptions of the "membership commitment" of immigrants. This study provides the first systematic test of this hypothesis in the comparative setting using an original seven country survey conducted in 2021-2022. The survey explored perceptions of immigrants' membership commitment in the host society in seven liberal democracies and their effect on public support for the extension of social benefits to immigrants. The study shows that immigrants systematically suffer a "membership penalty" within host societies across a wide range of states with different citizenship and welfare regimes, with important consequences for welfare state support.
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8. Perceptions of Social Mobility, Gender, and Progressive Politics.
8. 对社会流动性、性别与进步政治的认知PMID:日期:2024-12-09Extensive research explores the relationship between deepening conflict over socio-cultural issues and stagnating social mobility, typically focusing on men. Upwardly mobile women are routinely mentioned as belonging to the progressive "winners" of the knowledge-based society, yet their experiences and politics have received far less attention. This paper theorizes and investigates how women view their individual and collective trajectories and how these views relate to perceptions of future opportunities and political attitudes. Using survey data from four West European countries, we find that, while experiencing upward intergenerational mobility at the individual level is associated with positive opportunity perceptions, this relationship is not more pronounced among women than men nor linked to especially progressive attitudes. Rather, it is women sharing a sense of upward collective momentum who demand further action to achieve gender equality. This contrasts with men-including those perceiving themselves as upwardly mobile-who also acknowledge women's collective gains: they more readily accept the still male-dominated status quo.
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9. Rental Market Risk and Radical Right Support.
9. 租赁市场风险和激进右翼支持PMID:日期:2024-12-08A growing literature examines how economic threat affects support for anti-establishment parties. While most existing work focuses on transforming labor markets as a source of anxiety, we advance the literature by studying changes in urban development and rent price appreciation. Our analysis examines the case of Germany, the country with the highest share of rental housing in the European Union. Combining individual-level geo-referenced panel data with a longitudinal data set on the cost of rental housing at the postcode level, we demonstrate that rising local rent levels increase support for radical right parties among long-term residents with lower household incomes, in particular in urban areas. Our results suggest that urban development, not unlike labor market transformation, represents an important and so far neglected source of economic insecurity and social concern with important political implications.
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10. The Myth of the Middle Class Squeeze: Employment and Income by Class in Six Western Countries, 1980-2020.
10. 中产阶级挤压的神话：1980-2020年六个西方国家按阶级划分的就业和收入PMID:日期:2024-08-08The public debate portrays the middle class as the big losers in recent decades, while people above and below seemingly fared better in terms of employment and income growth. This narrative is both conceptually and empirically flawed. Based on the Luxembourg Income Study 1980-2020, we show for France, Germany, Poland, Spain, the UK, and the US that middle-class employment expanded, while the working class shrank. The middle class also experienced consistently larger income gains than the working class over the past four decades. The disposable real incomes of working-class households in France, Germany or the US grew by less than half a percent per year, compared to 1% or more for the middle class. Cohort analysis also shows that the promise of doing better than one's parents held for the middle class, but vanished for the working class.